thesis sample chapter 2 conceptual framework

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Thesis sample chapter 2 conceptual framework

The acquisition of prosocial values and the ability to contribute to the collective well-being as citizen and community participant. Adequate preparation for the assumption of adult social roles and obligations, including the roles of spouse or partner, parent, and household and family manager. The capability to make choices through the acquisition of a sense of self and a sense of personal competence.

Although no claim can be made that this is an exhaustive listing of the attributes of successful transition to adulthood, it does capture what the panel views as essential components of that process. What can be claimed is that the essential components listed can serve as a guide for the interpretation of a conceptual framework presented in the next chapter as well as for the design and targeting of societal interventions to maximize the attainability of those attributes.

Furthermore, the panel was concerned not only about the acquisition of certain personal values and attributes necessary for success, but also about the timing and sequencing of their acquisition. When young people take on adult work or family obligations before finishing school, success may be compromised. If young men who have assumed other adult roles are unable to marry until their 30s because of escalating financial demands, their need for sexual expression may compromise their health and the health of others and deprive them of the pleasures of and social status that accompanies a family life.

The panel recognizes that all adulthood roles are not acquired at the same time, and therefore the report refers to multiple transitions rather than a single transition. Indeed, the panel expects that success in one domain will foster success in other domains of adult life, allowing transitions in various domains to occur in a steady succession.

Ultimately, the benefit and enjoyment of each role is enhanced by the acquisition of the others. The panel agreed early in its deliberations that our approach to the charge would be highly empirical. The panel set high standards for evidence, placing an emphasis on comparative quantitative data of high quality, supplemented by well-designed and statistically sound experimental and observational studies along with country case studies and qualitative materials.

The panel developed its own conceptual framework in order to guide our interpretation of the empirical evidence and assess claims of causal inference. This conceptual framework is presented in Chapter 2. To use the conceptual framework as a guide to the identification of key research questions. To review existing research studies on trends in the contextual factors, transitions, and outcomes laid out in the conceptual framework and to supplement these with analysis of comparative data sets.

To review existing literature for insights about possible factors explaining recent changes in the transition to adulthood. To review existing literature for insights into the longer term consequences of alternative individual and societal outcomes. To review recent evaluations of the impact of policies and programs in order to identify promising and ideally cost-effective approaches to the promotion of adolescent reproductive health and other important health outcomes.

To the extent that resources would permit, in Chapters 3 through 8 , the panel went beyond a mere review of the existing literature and exploited available data in new ways in order to build a more complete picture of recent trends. Whenever possible, estimates of trends that are applicable to all young people or to young people from a particular region were generated by weighting data from different countries by population size, thus allowing conclusions that are more representative of the underlying population of young people.

The panel relied on the best and most up-to-date data available for each topic, while remaining mindful of data quality issues see Appendix A for a discussion of data quality issues. Thus the report includes data on trends in education, marriage, childbearing, and other aspects of reproductive behavior from the Demographic and Health Surveys, data on attitudes and participation from the World Value Surveys, data on marriage trends from a United Nations data bank of censuses and national surveys, data on employment and unemployment from International Labour Organization labor force statistics, data on mortality and morbidity by age from the World Health Organization, other selected census and survey data that allow comparisons over time, and data on time use from recent Population Council surveys.

While readily acknowledging that the extent of high-quality studies is highly uneven across regions, for most topics, the panel decided that we were able to make statements and draw conclusions about recent change since the s or s. One of the important roles of the conceptual framework is to guide the interpretation of empirical evidence on causal effects in the rest of the report.

Simple associations in observed data, such as between schooling and age of marriage or childbearing, are useful for describing the reality of the transition to adulthood and how those patterns have changed.

But descriptions of patterns do not lead to confident assessment of causality for several reasons. So the association between, say, schooling and age of marriage may reflect two-way or reverse causality, or that both are. One scientific method for dealing with such problems of empirical inference is to use well-designed and well-implemented double-blind experiments, with random assignment to treatment and control groups and control for such factors as spillovers.

There are some empirical areas for which such experiments have been undertaken and provide some of the evidence regarding what is known about transitions to adulthood in developing countries. But these are relatively limited because of costs and ethical concerns. There are no good experiments for many questions of interest, and they may not even be feasible. In many cases, therefore, the empirical evidence must be based on observational or sometimes called behavioral data.

These data include imperfect measures of the transitions to adulthood that are determined directly and indirectly, with feedback in many cases, by other factors. The best empirical evidence from such behavioral data makes explicit the behavioral model underlying the determination of the transitions to adulthood. It also uses estimation techniques and data that permit control for various estimation problems, such as selectivity, measurement error, and endogeneity or the correlation of measured variables with unobservables.

For example, if there is interest in the impact of early childbearing on some other aspects of the transition to adulthood, the best empirical studies control for measurement errors in data on childbearing and for what determines childbearing—family background, ability, motivations, cultural beliefs related to gender, labor market options—in the estimation of the impact of early childbearing on other transitions to adulthood.

The failure to do so is likely to lead to misunderstanding of the impact of early childbearing—confounding the effects of childbearing with other effects, such as of those determinants of childbearing noted above. See also Kuate-Defo for applications of multilevel models and multistate multilevel competing risks analysis as a means to disentangle the risk and protective factors of synchronized events associated with transitions to adulthood in an African context.

Undertaking such systematic empirical research is difficult. Many studies in the literature are not explicit about what conceptual framework is being used to interpret behavioral data and often implicitly make very strong assumptions.

For example, many studies of the impact of early childbearing make the implicit assumption that childbearing is assigned randomly, or that there are no factors that affect both the outcome being studied as well as the timing of childbearing itself. This report tries to make clear the quality of the empirical evidence that is being used. At times, simple descriptions are presented because they are of interest in themselves, but they should not be confused with assertions about causality.

In a few cases, good experimental evidence is summarized. In other cases, there are good systematic studies using behavioral data with explicit models and methods, so the nature of the underlying assumptions is transparent and the assumptions themselves are plausible. To the extent possible, this report relies on evidence from these high-quality sources.

But for some topics that are important, the evidence is much weaker. Too much would be lost by complete omission of these topics. Therefore in such cases the report presents what is known and tries to be clear about why that knowledge is qualified—and thus, why more and better research is warranted in certain areas. The panel has paid special attention to policy and programs that hold promise of supporting successful transitions in resource-constrained environments.

This is an area in which the empirical evidence is particularly uneven. Most interventions that have been rigorously evaluated have relatively narrowly defined intended outcomes and a limited time frame for assessing impact Knowles and Berhman, Various policies and programs that are designed to benefit younger children may have important benefits that extend into the second decade of life, but that are generally not measured or evaluated.

Furthermore, the impact of many national policies and programs with potentially profound importance to the life course and life chances of young people, such as school reforms, marriage laws, abortion laws, and child labor laws, may never have been assessed.

The report has the following plan. Part I sets the stage with this introduction, and in the next chapter, we introduce our conceptual framework. Because of the diversity of experiences among young people, the implications of these changes for national and local environments are illustrated using examples from the empirical literature. These serve to make more tangible the many ways in which global change is affecting the daily lives of young people.

Part II looks at the two critical elements of individual resources for which we have relatively rich data and evidence: changes in education Chapter 3 and changes in health and reproductive health Chapter 4. Each chapter starts by describing recent data on patterns and trends, then reviews critically what is known from the empirical literature about the factors affecting these patterns and changes and finishes with a review of relevant policies and programs designed to positively affect the necessary resources and attributes for successful transitions, including evidence when available about their effectiveness.

Part III is organized around four adult roles: worker Chapter 5 , citizen Chapter 6 , spouse or partner Chapter 7 , and parent Chapter 8. As there are very few data on the role of household manager, this adult role is not treated separately, although the panel recognizes its potential importance. In Part III , we are particularly interested in how changes at the global level are affecting the very nature of the transition itself, in terms of timing, sequencing, duration, and content.

Each successive chapter in this part of the report considers not just that particular adult role in isolation but explores the ways in which one transition relates to another. While considerations of the timing of work in relation to schooling or the timing of marriage in relation to parenthood are more familiar in the literature, the links between work and marriage or schooling and childbearing are less familiar. The interrelationships among transitions is a key theme in each chapter whenever data permit.

The gaps between the conceptual framework and the empirical evidence remain huge. The challenges for young people making the transition to adulthood are greater today than ever before. Globalization, with its power to reach across national boundaries and into the smallest communities, carries with it the transformative power of new markets and new technology. At the same time, globalization brings with it new ideas and lifestyles that can conflict with traditional norms and values.

And while the economic benefits are potentially enormous, the actual course of globalization has not been without its critics who charge that, to date, the gains have been very unevenly distributed, generating a new set of problems associated with rising inequality and social polarization.

Regardless of how the globalization debate is resolved, it is clear that as broad global forces transform the world in which the next generation will live and work, the choices that today's young people make or others make on their behalf will facilitate or constrain their success as adults. Traditional expectations regarding future employment prospects and life experiences are no longer valid.

Growing Up Global examines how the transition to adulthood is changing in developing countries, and what the implications of these changes might be for those responsible for designing youth policies and programs, in particular, those affecting adolescent reproductive health.

The report sets forth a framework that identifies criteria for successful transitions in the context of contemporary global changes for five key adult roles: adult worker, citizen and community participant, spouse, parent, and household manager.

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No thanks. Page 16 Share Cite. This page intentionally left blank. Page 17 Share Cite. Page 18 Share Cite. Page 19 Share Cite. Page 20 Share Cite. Over time the situation of those left behind may actually deteriorate, as their skills and assets become less BOX Millennium Development Goals.

Page 21 Share Cite. Page 22 Share Cite. Page 23 Share Cite. Page 24 Share Cite. Page 25 Share Cite. Page 26 Share Cite. The defining attributes of such a conceptualization of successful transition to adulthood, which must be seen within the constraints of personal endowments and capabilities, include at least the following: Good mental and physical health, including reproductive health, and the knowledge and means to sustain health during adulthood.

A sense of general well-being. Page 27 Share Cite. Page 28 Share Cite. Page 29 Share Cite. Information Literacy Instruction Information Literacy Instruction is a medium through which students are trained to become information literate. Information Literacy instruction equips students with the necessary and crucial information and academic skills for lifelong learning. Haberle Haberle, opined that Information Literacy intervention covers both lower and higher order skills as outlined in Bloom s Taxonomy of Educational Objectives.

The interaction stage requires of students to perform a search in the library to satisfy an information need and when users have progressed to the internalization level, they should be able to use the library on a continuous basis to fulfill information needs in all aspects of their life, thus becoming daily, life-long information consumers that most closely matches the characteristics of information literacy. Internalization means to be able to compare and evaluate information from different resources; to be able to organize, use and communicate information; to produce and present an organized piece of work and to synthesize and build new knowledge based upon existing information An intervention developed by researcher used Kuhlthau Information Search Process as a model and constructivism as learning theory and active learning as a teaching strategy.

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They build cultural pluralism certainly contrasts with the call for unity and integration, just as the continue uses of the English language have drastically undermined the development of indigenous languages. These show some level of indigenous power of language regionally and also a form of the language shift. Despite its limitations, that only in some conflicting situations that documentation could be presented in English.

However, at the educational level, like in the nursery and primary school stage, the three Nigeria foremost languages should be taught as a school subject. It is clear from the constitution that language planning is aimed at producing Nigeria trilingual: a speaker of English, his mother tongue and an additional Nigerian language.

The policy pushes trilingualism in the direction of the quadrilingual as a language shift. Most government functions in northern part use Hausa in their various activities except in some fundamentally useful where the English could be considered, but the reversed in the Yoruba Western region is quite different, where English is considered as machinery for governmental activities. Ammon claiming as high as 1. According to Berns et al , with the wave of globalisation of the world's economy, there is an accompanying increase in the spread of English.

The latest estimates of the percentage of people using major language groups in the outline provided by the World Internet Statistics are, English with approximately million users, followed by Chinese with approximately million and Spanish with approximately million users. The use of English runs across many countries of the world more than the other international languages. English comes4th in the chart with an estimate of approximately million and spoken in67 nations, Berns De BrotHasebrink, In addition, the economic and technological supremacy of Britain and America is brought to bear on the language.

English encompasses more than just a convenient means of communication among the world's citizens. It is the dominant language in the publishing industry. In addition, more literary works are more likely to be translated to English than other languages.

Those who write in English reach a wider audience than those writing in other languages. In the area of auditory and audiovisual entertainment, the use of English dominates. The language dominates the economic, cultural and cyberspace in the world today.

It is the language of tourism, of markets and trade, and of internet. English is the official language of Nigeria. It has economic, educational, political, cultural and sociolinguistic status in the country, Bamgbose, Nigeria, with a population of over million people, according to the census, has over indigenous languages spoken within its borders Adegbija, ; Grimes, The multilingual situation in Nigeria is such that in many states of the country, several languages are spoken.

The language policy of the country, in principle, is such that it encourages multilingualism. The constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria supports the use of the three major languages, namely, Hausa, Igbo and Yoruba at the National Assembly. It emphatically states in section 55 of the Constitution that: The business of the National Assembly shall be conducted in English and in Hausa, Ibo and Yoruba when adequate arrangements have been made therefore Constitution Chapter V section The constitution also recognises and encourages the use of indigenous languages in the states' houses of assembly as the members may by resolution approve.

The support given to the use of the indigenous languages is also contained in the National Policy on Education, NPE The policy regarding language s for educational purposes encourages and supports the use of a child's mother tongue indigenous language s or language of the immediate community in pre-primary education and the first three years of primary education. It states specifically in section 2. By suggesting three indigenous languages and English language as the languages of education and by extension, the national languages, government has not demonstrated any seriousness towards solving the language problem in the country p80Akindele.

As we can see, the policy made no clear statement to distinguish properly the position of the English language in relation to the indigenous languages. No wonder English continues to play a dominant role in the affairs of the country as a discipline right from the elementary to the tertiary level, as the language of education at all levels and as a national language.

Up till today, all subsequent government provisions made no effort to change this position Olofin, The policy also states in section 4. During this period, English shall be taught as a subject. From the fourth year, English shall progressively be used as a medium of instruction and the language of immediate environment and French taught as subjects.

This is coupled with the fact that a credit pass in English is required at the secondary school certificate level to gain admission to any tertiary institution, especially the universities to study any course, a requirement which was restricted in the past to courses in the humanities and humanities related. The relevance of English at the educational dimension has a direct bearing on the social dimension.

The language has permeated every aspects of the social life, to the extent that speaking English even in ethnic gatherings has become a symbol of social status. Most parents no longer see the need to pass on their indigenous languages to their children.

This has led to raising children who can speak only English and in some cases Nigerian pidgin as well. Anyanwu also made this point in a study on the linguistic situation in Nigeria. In the political dimension, English is used for deliberation in the National Assembly and states' houses of assembly. Even though provision was made in the constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria for local languages to be used for deliberations as members may by resolution approve, this is not realized in practice.

The fear by those who speak the minority languages has always been that of ethnic dominance, also implying cultural dominance, if any of the major languages is chosen. Similarly, Bamgbose observes that in the revision of the constitution, speakers of the minority languages walked out of the Constituent Assembly when a motion was made proposing that Yoruba, Hausa and Igbo should be designated national languages and be taught as compulsory subjects in all primary and secondary schools.

The motion was however, withdrawn for lack of consensus; and so it has remained till this day that English continues to be used as the language of deliberation. The hegemony of English has also influenced the cultural life of Nigerians. This is reflected in the values attached to the indigenous languages and the cultures they represent, as well as the social values.

The cultural life that encourages the use of indigenous languages in Nigeria has been eroded by urbanisation. The influence of English on the cultural life is also reflected in certain ways of life related to everyday living.

The hegemonic role English plays in Nigeria have reduced the local languages to subsidiary levels. Most people see these languages as fit to be used only amongst people who do not have the knowledge of English. The use of these languages in these areas is to enhance trading activities. However, in the borders of Niger and Republic of Benin, English provides an equal substitute as those who do not speak any of these local languages can still communicate with people from different linguistic groups.

It is fashionable now in Nigeria for parents to relate to their children in the home, in English, believing that it is the language that will be of a greater economic benefit to them, even when both parents come from the same ethnic group. The uneducated parents also, who are not proficient in English, communicate with their children in the home in Nigerian pidgin believing that it is at least closer to English which offers better opportunities than the indigenous languages Anyanwu, Even though in all of these cases, the languages are being threatened by a more prestigious Nigerian language, the situation remains the same as all the languages in Nigeria are being threatened by one language or the other, most of them by the world's lingua franca, English, and others by the major languages of the area.

Nationally, all the languages are being threatened by English, being a language looked up to as it ultimately places one in a class and leads to communication with the outside world. In all of these cases and in actual practice, English remains the dominant language. In view of all these, we have to recall the universal Declaration of Linguistic Rights of , which is enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights of This declaration recognizes the right of every language no matter how small to exist as part of the Fundamental Human Right.

The Declaration recognizes the fact that linguistic rights are fundamental human rights. One major problem associated with the learning of the language is found in the fact that the language is learned as a second language L2 by students who are already proficient in the use of one language. The common problem associated with this is interference Olofin, Majority of the teachers who teach the language, are incompetent.

Apart from this, the teachers themselves are victims of incompetent teaching. In the light of my own experience as a teacher, areas such as the translation of idioms, irregular patterns, morphology, pronunciation and spelling of words are veritable sources of difficulty and confusion.

One of the problems usually encountered by the learners is that some elements of his native language tend to show up in the English they produce, a phenomenon commonly referred to as interference. This is common especially, in the translation of idioms and other expressions and forms which are wide spread in Africa and accepted as a feature of African English but not found in English language Olofin, This naturally affects the quality of teaching.

Thus more attention should be paid to the training and welfare of teachers as first steps in improving the standard of teaching as well as the quality of teachers. This study will review three of these theories, which are relevant to this study. However, this paper is interested in Acquisition-Learning hypothesis. The Hypothesis states that there are two ways of developing language ability: by acquisition and by learning. Acquisition is a sub- conscious process involved when a child begins to learn its own language while learning is the conscious process of developing language skills Abdullahi—Idiagbon, In an ESL situation where foreign language is learnt in school setting, grammatical rules are introduced to the learners but as Krashen observes, this does not necessarily help in becoming better users of language in actual performance.

However, he does not deny the usefulness of learning a language through the knowledge of its grammar; after all, this activates the self-correction capability of the learners in speaking and most especially in self-editing as a writing skill. This implies that the degree of proficiency in a bilingual or a multilingual setting varies from one speaker to the other.

It is rare to possess equal competence and performance in two or more languages; there is a strong tendency to tilt the balance in favour of one. Those who possess this rare quality are referred to as the balanced bilinguals. Even then, a balanced bilingual may not be bi-cultural; in this sense, adaptability to the two cultures of the languages he speaks may be unachievable.

A balanced bilingual, who is at the same time bi-cultural, is referred to as a narrow bi-lingual. At the societal level, two or more languages may exist side by side with different but complementary roles. A language is designated high variety if it used to execute official transactions while others used for local interactions are low variety. A diglossic society exhibits this trait on two languages while a triglossic one has three languages assigned with different functions.

The Nigerian environment is cosmopolitan; it virtually exhibits all these traits of bi and multi lingual phenomena Abdullahi—Idiagbon, Krashen together with Terell introduced Communicative Approach to language teaching which compare mentalists communicative competence of the learner into three stages: a aural comprehension, b early speech production, and c speech activities.

These three techniques are systematically aimed at providing a natural environment and resources similar to the ones the child acquires his first language. The receptive skill of the learner is first put to task through listening followed by speech production. Errors from the speech are not corrected discreetly but contextually. Items within the experience or environment of the learner are used to teach reading and writing afterwards.

Series of classroom interactive and visualisation activities are introduced to add value to teaching-learning environment. Through these same activities, writing could be introduced. For instance, identification and description of things or processes become easier to do. While emphasis is on the use of language, the introduction of basic grammatical concepts is gradually introduced.

Conceptual research is defined as a methodology wherein research is conducted by observing and analyzing already present information on a given topic. Published on October 14, by Sarah Vinz. A theoretical framework can support your theory. Before the thesis is written, students must first compile the outline. And conceptual frameworks presented sample theoretical framework of a conceptual framework sample thesis pdf building theoretical and conceptual.

If you continue browsing the site, you agree to the use of cookies on this website May 24 To be effective and valuable, the prospectus must be crafted in a cascading manner, with the topic, conceptual framework thesis sample problem, purpose and design of the study aligned and integrated into a. Sample conceptual thesis framework Conceptual thesis with framework sample She here when she began to feel the idea that something continues up to, but their readership increased.

My goal is to be able to know what specific. Conceptual framework thesis sample pdf A conceptual framework illustrates what you expect to find through your research. It demonstrates how a conceptual framework and the corresponding statement of the problem are organized and written in a dissertation.

Take a look at the example on how it is done and try to make one for your paper. This plays a role at least as a guide in writing the thesis as a whole later Theoretical Framework Examples Qualitative Research Paper Whats people lookup in this blog:. It provides an outline of how you conceptual framework thesis sample plan to conduct the research for your thesis, but it goes further than that by also positioning your work within the larger field of research Improve Your Understanding With Conceptual Framework Samples.

The act of reflecting on reading, experience and developing research assumptions In unfolding inductive research the conceptual framework may appear following a critique of theoretical perspectives in the literature. I am interested to know what affects the satisfaction of our customers. Skip to content. Conceptual framework thesis sample. Like this: Like Loading Folkestone Quarterhouse.

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Well discover other versions of the current writing task. In the uk, as many other cultures. In , with a pronoun. Improvements in health and survival have ensured for a great many more infants and children the opportunity to enjoy life into adolescence and beyond.

These improvements, moreover, have meant that these children have developed better cognitively as well as in terms of physical health. Furthermore, the fertility transition, which is in process in most of the developing world, means that many young people are growing up with fewer siblings and in smaller households. Rapid urbanization also means that a higher percentage of young people are growing up in cities or moving to cities during their formative years.

School enrollment and attainment are increasing around the world at the same time that ages of labor force entry are rising. With rising levels of education, young people have more possibilities to participate in a rapidly modernizing economy—in their local village, a nearby town, the capital city, or even another country—and experience and enjoy freer and more fulfilling lives. However, that promise cannot be realized without certain legal rights and protections and supportive institutions, including good schools, a sufficient number of remunerative and satisfying jobs, the opportunity for community participation and political voice, the absence of discrimination, good nutrition and health, access to health services, and, for women, a choice about freedom from premature marriage and childbearing.

Barriers to mobility have lessened due to reduced costs of transportation and increasingly available means of transportation at the same time that greater access to information conveys news of a wider range of geographic opportunities for schooling, jobs, and marriage partners. The development of a global youth culture is facilitated by the growing accessibility of international media and the Internet but at the same time fully effective connectivity requires adequate income to afford access, language competency, and computer literacy—skills that are hard for many young people to acquire without more and better schooling opportunities.

Later ages of. Young people in less developed regions are confronting opportunities and challenges unique to this historical time. Young people today, especially in urban areas, are the first generation to grow up with widespread access to a radio and increasingly also to television and with the growing potential for Internet connectivity at an early age.

They are also the first generation to grow up in a world in which there has always been AIDS and, at least in some parts of the developing world, the first generation with nearly universal knowledge of and access to some form of contraception. This is the first generation to be covered during their childhood by the broad protections internationally recognized in the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child adopted in and supported, in many diverse local contexts, by the work of many international agencies as well as international, national, and local nongovernmental organizations.

Girls have historically experienced the transition to adulthood very differently from boys. Although gender role socialization begins at birth, it has generally led to an increasingly sharp differentiation of roles, behaviors, and expectations beginning at the time boys and girls experience puberty and continuing through the assumption of adult roles. This process of socialization is reinforced through social norms, laws, and institutions that in many countries progressively restrict the mobility and public participation of adolescent girls and in some settings makes them seemingly invisible while providing expanded liberties, opportunities, and agency for adolescent boys.

Boys and girls usually enter adulthood having experienced differences in the duration and content of schooling, having taken up different work roles in the home and workplace, and having been offered different opportunities for community participation. Furthermore, young women typically assume adult family roles sooner than young men because they marry younger, while young men often assume more public adult roles sooner through their participation in work and their greater opportunities for leadership in schools, communities, work, and sports.

These broad statements capture only the average tendencies for young people in developing countries. At the same time that young people everywhere are becoming part of a more integrated world, at least some people in every country are experiencing transitions to adulthood that increasingly resemble those that are typical of young people in developed countries.

But differential rates of change have led, in some cases, to growing differences among adolescents within and across countries, as some young people. Although poverty rates have been declining for developing countries as a whole, significant fractions of young people still live in poverty.

Trends in poverty rates vary across regions, with big declines in Asia but an increase in poverty in Africa. Critics of globalization argue that it has been associated with growing income inequality and social polarization, as some local participants in global change improve their economic situation while the livelihoods of others remain largely unchanged or decline see, for example, Milanovic, ; United Nations, ; Wade, Over time the situation of those left behind may actually deteriorate, as their skills and assets become less.

Adopted by world leaders at the United Nations Millennium Summit in September , they are now at the heart of the global development agenda. By adopting the United Nations Millennium Declaration, the international community pledged itself to eight development targets by Create a global partnership for development, with targets for aid, trade, and debt relief. Although for the most part not explicitly addressed, implicit in many of the Millennium Development Goals is the need for greater attention to services for young people.

For example, greater investments in education and health, particularly for girls, is essential for reducing poverty, lowering infant and child mortality, and achieving greater lifelong gender equality. Finally, creating a global partnership for development will go a long way toward sustaining a healthy growth in job opportunities for young people. Relative and absolute poverty may increase within countries as well as across them.

Growing economic inequality has reverberating consequences for the next generation. Young people growing up in poverty are the most vulnerable to the negative consequences of globalization and are in the greatest need of protection and support. From young women in garment factories in Bangladesh, to child soldiers in Sierra Leone, to university students in Mexico, to unemployed youth in refugee communities in Palestine, to young workers in the Silicon Valley of India, to family farm workers in Egypt, to young Pakistani migrant workers in the Persian Gulf, to young wives of polygamous husbands in Senegal, one can only begin to imagine the range of experience that these examples encompass.

Indeed, the diversity of experiences can only be growing, as traditional roles persist, albeit experienced in qualitatively different ways than in the past, and at the same time new opportunities and experiences emerge.

However, the challenge is to ensure successful transitions to adulthood in these rapidly changing circumstances and to spread opportunities for success more equitably given the enormous gaps that persist between rich and poor and between boys and girls. Policies and programs, if they are to be effective, will need to be evidence-based, appropriate to the local context, and embraced and supported by the local community.

Recognizing the critical gaps in knowledge of the transitions to adulthood in developing countries in this time of rapid change, the National Academies convened a panel of experts to review the research in this area and related implications for policies and programs. The charge to the panel was intentionally very broad because the National Academies recognized that the transition to adulthood is multifaceted and comprises multiple and interrelated transitions across different spheres of life.

To implement the charge, the panel reviewed knowledge on the full range of transitions to adulthood—schooling, health, work, citizenship, marriage, and parenthood, as well as policies and programs affecting all of these transitions. This was necessary because transitions are interrelated and interventions directed at any single transition can affect other transitions.

The panel therefore addressed both the direct and indirect effects of policies and programs on adolescent reproductive health, to the extent possible given existing research and data. The juxtaposition of diversity in the lives of young people in less developed regions and incomplete data coverage of the full range of contemporary experiences presented special challenges to the panel. The recognition that a study, no matter how comprehensive and empirically grounded, would inevitably neglect the experience of some young people led the panel to set the study in a conceptual framework that is neither time nor context specific.

This allows the reader to adapt the framework presented in the next chapter to an understanding of the lives of the many young people whose stories will not be told or will be told only with respect to a specific time and place that is undergoing rapid change. Furthermore, in assessing the experiences of young people, the panel developed its own set of definitions of successful transitions to adulthood against which the actual experiences of young people could be compared. These definitions build on our understanding of adolescent development and of the contemporary global context and provide an essential yardstick with which data and research findings can be interpreted.

Thus, while the emphasis is on opportunity and how it can be enhanced, the panel did not ignore the risks and constraints of contemporary life. Indeed, special attention was paid to examining both success stories and failures from past policies and programs designed to reduce risks and lift constraints, particularly as they apply to the disadvantaged.

The panel gives special emphasis throughout the report to the different experiences of young men and women and to the circumstances of the poor regardless of gender. The panel views the achievement and maintenance of health, in particular reproductive health during the adolescent years, as integrally connected to success in other developmental domains.

We therefore emphasize in the report the interrelationships between these developmental domains and policies and programs that may affect these interrelationships. The panel defined adulthood as a set of culturally, historically, and gender-specific activities, rights, and responsibilities that people acquire over time by means of a process of transition.

The transition to adulthood begins during adolescence, but it continues beyond adolescence, sometimes even into the late 20s or early 30s. Therefore, in several places in the subsequent descriptive analysis, we make reference to. Even within the international community there is no ready and straightforward agreement.

Light work may be allowed for children 12 and older National Research Council, Recent analysis of the transition to adulthood in the West shows that the transition is being prolonged well into the third decade of life and sometimes even beyond Arnett, , ; Furstenberg et al. It is likely that a narrow focus on the age range 10 to 24 at this time in history in the developing world would risk missing important aspects of recent change.

Consequently, in some of our detailed statistical analysis, the panel thought it more informative to present. While the panel views marriage as an important marker of adulthood, we do not think that marriage is sufficient in and of itself to confer adulthood on a young person who has not yet achieved the age of majority or completed other transitions to adulthood. This is an important caution, because much contemporary literature on adolescents focuses primarily on the unmarried, neglecting the concerns of the married, particularly young women, who are not yet fully prepared to assume adult roles and are particularly vulnerable because society provides them with few protections.

This represents a very different approach to the study of adolescent development than that taken in the United States over the last few decades, in which the focus has been primarily on problem behaviors rather than on normative development Steinberg and Morris, It is also very different from the approach to the study of child outcomes in developing countries, which views parents as decision-makers and children as having no agency of their own Levison, First, the transition to adulthood has to be seen as embedded in the larger developmental life course, reflecting and constrained by what has gone before as well as by what lies ahead.

From this perspective, the experiences and events of earlier adolescence—and of infancy and childhood—are not only precursors of, but also preparation for, making that transition. From this perspective, too, the opportunities and barriers of future adulthood, both real and perceived, also shape the course and content of that transition.

It follows, then, that efforts to safeguard or enhance a successful transition cannot be confined to that brief segment of the life trajectory. The interrelationship between success in adolescence and opportunities at later phases of the life cycle is particularly salient in the case of gender inequalities that are socially and institutionally embedded.

There is now clear evidence that countries with more equal rights for women in various domains, including politics and the law, social and economic matters, and marriage and divorce, have smaller gender gaps in such key outcome indicators as health, schooling, and political participation King and Mason, It is rarely noted, however, that these gender gaps, which are measured for adults, take shape during adolescence.

Indeed, in most societies, local definitions of success may differ profoundly for girls and boys. A second consideration in defining what is meant by successful transition to adulthood is the need to make it sensitive to the enormous diversity of developing societies, appropriate to local situations, and responsive to the dynamics of historical change.

It is clear that there are prevailing cultural expectations and traditions about what constitutes the attainment of maturity, and these may vary not only in different parts of the world but also across different subgroups in the same country. Furthermore, in some cultures in which strong family and community linkages are valued more than autonomy, success may be measured by the ability to mobilize social networks rather than by the ability to act autonomously Mensch et al.

Finally, it is also necessary to conceptualize successful transitions relative to a particular time in history for this report, it is the present and to the dynamics and speed of societal change that may be under way. What might have been considered a successful transition to adulthood before the globalization of production, the pervasive spread of information technology, and the greater access to a transnational and homogenizing youth culture may no longer be considered so today.

In the contemporary world, success requires competence in coping with the reverberations of rapid global and societal change on daily life—a competence that cannot be entirely provided within the family but that requires extrafamilial inputs. In short, a successful transition entails being prepared for a changing future rather than one based on extrapolations of the past. While success is ultimately measured at the individual level, nothing is clearer than that the burden of enhancing successful transitions to adult-.

Essential social supports for success include access to quality schooling and other educational resources outside the classroom, adequate health care, livelihood training and job opportunities, resources for civic engagement and family and community models, and supports for positive social development. The existence of norms and the availability and effectiveness of laws and institutions that can support the accomplishment of the major developmental tasks of adolescence must become a major and obligatory concern of any society seeking to enhance successful transitions to adulthood.

In light of these various considerations, the panel sought a conceptualization of successful transitions to adulthood that is both generally and locally applicable; that is predicated on preparation in prior developmental stages, especially adolescence, but also childhood; that is appropriate despite pervasive gender and socioeconomic disparities as well as different endowments and capabilities; that is open to shaping by both antecedent and subsequent life course interventions; and that recognizes the imperatives of contemporary global change.

The defining attributes of such a conceptualization of successful transition to adulthood, which must be seen within the constraints of personal endowments and capabilities, include at least the following:. Good mental and physical health, including reproductive health, and the knowledge and means to sustain health during adulthood. An appropriate stock of human and social capital to enable an individual to be a productive adult member of society.

The acquisition of prosocial values and the ability to contribute to the collective well-being as citizen and community participant. Adequate preparation for the assumption of adult social roles and obligations, including the roles of spouse or partner, parent, and household and family manager. The capability to make choices through the acquisition of a sense of self and a sense of personal competence.

Although no claim can be made that this is an exhaustive listing of the attributes of successful transition to adulthood, it does capture what the panel views as essential components of that process. What can be claimed is that the essential components listed can serve as a guide for the interpretation of a conceptual framework presented in the next chapter as well as for the design and targeting of societal interventions to maximize the attainability of those attributes.

Furthermore, the panel was concerned not only about the acquisition of certain personal values and attributes necessary for success, but also about the timing and sequencing of their acquisition. When young people take on adult work or family obligations before finishing school, success may be compromised.

If young men who have assumed other adult roles are unable to marry until their 30s because of escalating financial demands, their need for sexual expression may compromise their health and the health of others and deprive them of the pleasures of and social status that accompanies a family life.

The panel recognizes that all adulthood roles are not acquired at the same time, and therefore the report refers to multiple transitions rather than a single transition. Indeed, the panel expects that success in one domain will foster success in other domains of adult life, allowing transitions in various domains to occur in a steady succession. Ultimately, the benefit and enjoyment of each role is enhanced by the acquisition of the others.

The panel agreed early in its deliberations that our approach to the charge would be highly empirical. The panel set high standards for evidence, placing an emphasis on comparative quantitative data of high quality, supplemented by well-designed and statistically sound experimental and observational studies along with country case studies and qualitative materials.

The panel developed its own conceptual framework in order to guide our interpretation of the empirical evidence and assess claims of causal inference. This conceptual framework is presented in Chapter 2. To use the conceptual framework as a guide to the identification of key research questions.

To review existing research studies on trends in the contextual factors, transitions, and outcomes laid out in the conceptual framework and to supplement these with analysis of comparative data sets. To review existing literature for insights about possible factors explaining recent changes in the transition to adulthood. To review existing literature for insights into the longer term consequences of alternative individual and societal outcomes.

To review recent evaluations of the impact of policies and programs in order to identify promising and ideally cost-effective approaches to the promotion of adolescent reproductive health and other important health outcomes.

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